Accounts - 275th - Stan Lambert
This memoir is by Stanley Lambert, a
70th Infantry Division World War 11 combat veteran. It was condensed by Pam
Briola. From the Three Star Final, the official Journal of the 70th RSC,
November/December 2001. Pg 4 -6.
Stalag IVB Picture -
Stalag IVB History
by Stanley Lambert, I Co., 275th
Regiment, 70th Infantry Division
Foreword 1969
Many of the details of my experience as a prisoner of war in Germany during
World War II remain quite vivid. The exact order and dates of the happenings
have, of course, long since left me. Even a very limited diary of daily
occurrences after I was captured would now be invaluable in recounting those
days.
I did for a period of some 20 days keep in my inner garments such a diary
which, for that interval, escaped the notice of interrogation and search. By
that time, however, I had lost interest in the project and had either thrown the
papers away or passed them around for a use more urgent to prisoners afflicted
with inevitable dysentery.
At any rate, now convalescing from surgery, I am reminded and inspired by my
affable hospital roommate's bout with a yellow jaundice condition to write my
memories of POW life, a brief but discouraging portion of which was spent
suffering from yellow jaundice.
In the closing weeks of December 1944, portions of the 70th Infantry
Division, a fresh unit from America, took positions along a relatively quiet
sector of the Rhine River near Strasbourg, France. A victim of Uncle Sam's
cancellation of Army air cadet training programs, I had, since the previous May,
been a rifleman in Company I, 275th Infantry Regiment of the 70th Division.
Retaining its old cadre, the division had refilled its ranks with those of us
who were deflated transfers from air cadets and Army special training programs
as well as new draftees.
Now after seven months of intensive infantry training we were across the
ocean, tasting foxhole life on the Rhine River bottom. We slept in barns or
warehouses, even an abandoned kiln, and though a few artillery exchanges were
taking place in the area, we were hardly becoming accustomed to combat. All this
would abruptly change.
On the evening of Dec. 31, 1944, before we could eat a long-awaited hot
supper, we were hustled aboard trucks and hauled northward to meet another
desperate offensive thrust of the Germans. This one was nearly 100 miles south
of the Bulge area, and though neither as strong nor as well supplied as the
Bulge offensive, this move by the Wehrmacht was making considerable progress.
The nature and importance of this challenge was, as usual, unknown to us as we
swung and bounced over the narrow French roads on this New Year's Eve.
At midnight we entered Niederbronn in open trucks with M-1 barrels pointing
skyward, barking their greeting to the new year. The noise briefly brought
officers from the warmth of their truck cabs to quiet things down.
I Company bivouacked for the remainder of the night in an idle foundry. Bill
Schafer and I, who were scouts for our squad, pooled our blankets and lay close
together for warmth, but Bill complained of cold feet. We rearranged the packing
material which we had spread under us, tucked the blankets tighter around our
feet, and shifted our heavy GI coats. I debated whether we should remove our
boots, but Bill, not long from the Ozarks, enjoyed shedding his footwear.
In the morning, Sgt. Henning lighted the squad burner and we had a sumptuous
breakfast prepared from a "10-in-1" carton. It was the first and last time that
some of us would ever enjoy this innovation in field rations, and through the
hungry months to follow I would clearly recall the smells and tastes of this
meal - bacon, string beans, ham, fruit, potatoes, the works.
In late afternoon on Jan. 1, 1945, I Company moved forward at a point beyond
Philippsbourg in what we were told was the Vosges Mountains of the Alsace
region. The Germans in this offensive thrust below the Bulge area were
desperately trying to salvage an offensive. Their main effort in the Ardennes
was bogging down. According to the American Heritage Publication on the Battle
of the Bulge, Hitler called this alternative offensive "Nordwind."
Later I learned from companion prisoners of war that the "Krauts" had broken
through portions of several other American divisions. I had on this night of
gathering darkness a curious mixture of apprehension and pride at being a green
scout on the extreme point of the Third Battalion, 275th Infantry,
approaching enemy lines. Before the night was over, I was to learn how utterly
efficient the Wehrmacht could seem once it had assumed an offensive.
The roadway passed across narrow open valleys and past a clustered farmstead
or two which lay abreast of some large wooded hills. The early winter evening
grew swiftly into blackness and I could scarcely follow the road which would
shortly lead to disastrous confrontation.
The innocent courage of those of us on the point of our advance would most
surely have been shaken had we known how close we were to established German
positions. We were mistakenly advancing into the darkness beyond our planned
objectives.
The column behind froze in the blackness, as did I at the German challenge:
"Halt there!"
More experienced soldiers would have plunged immediately into what cover the
roadside afforded. Then a sudden burst of fire from °brrrp" guns from an angle
above the road sent me sprawling into a shallow defile beside a narrow strip of
asphalt-like road covering. After a moment of shock, our M-1s and one BAR
started answering the incessant fire from the German machine guns. The BAR was
some 40 yards behind. That had to be Monds. Schafer, Hennings, and Strauser
between us were silent. They must have been hit. At length our return fire,
especially the BAR, gave the Germans pause. Perhaps this was to better locate
our scattered positions, for when they opened up again some of their tracers
lodged in the asphalt a few feet in front of my nose as I peered up under my
helmet rim.

During the 70th Infantry Division Association's Pilgrimage to the Alcase region
of France, in May, Stan Lambert (right) spoke with Robert Allmang,
Grossbliederstroff mayor.
The murderous angle at which the enemy fired upon us raked the column clear
back through the second platoon. This could only increase the cost of the
debacle. Yet there were some examples of heroism. Sgt. Gerken at the tail end of
one squad set his rifle grenades to "splatting" around the German positions. His
persistence no doubt helped the withdrawal, but it was soon to draw enemy fire
which cut him down.
Monds' BAR kept up its methodical bang-bang-bang. Another Schafer further
back in the company, his tongue loosened with cognac, bellowed: "Okay, boys,
warm up them old M-1 barrels, show them Krauts!"
During a lull, Lt. Cannon, in his Georgia drawl, coolly ordered the men to
start withdrawing as they could while maintaining fire.
The heaviest part of the encounter could have lasted no more than two hours,
perhaps little more than an hour. Withdrawal from my position seemed almost
impossible. I was in a slight depression which seemed not more than 20 yards
from the muzzles of the machine guns. Slight movement revealed that I lay among
some scattered broken roof tile fallen from a small building which took shape
behind me. Every movement I made rattled the tile in the inch-deep snow. Objects
gradually became more visible and I realized, lying in the near zero cold, that
the moon was rising behind the hill in which the Germans were situated.
Through the din of the firing and the silence of the companions closest
behind me, I became certain that each ensuing burst from a machine gun would end
my existence. I thought of the shock for my family and prayed to Christ to have
mercy on my soul, for I was certain of having to face my Maker before the night
ended. When the firing finally ceased and the surviving men behind me had
withdrawn, I asked myself why I had been spared, a question I was to ask several
more times before the war's end.
For most of the next hour I lay prone, my right arm over my rifle, my chin
against the snow, and my eyes peering under the rim of a motionless helmet.
Finally, a military vehicle pulled to a stop some 10 feet in front of me on the
road, and two Germans walked forward and stopped, their boots only inches from
my helmet. I fully expected them to shoot me then, but they undoubtedly took me
for dead.
The vehicle moved on up the road, and complete silence followed for at least
another half hour. I soon became convinced that I must get up and make my break.
On my first attempt at rising, I fell noisily among the roof tile, my legs
utterly paralyzed from lying motionless in the snow. On the second try my limbs
came to life and I plowed around the small building behind me and ran full force
into a woven wire fence at least six feet high. This threw me to the ground
again, but only momentarily for I was up again and either went over the fence or
around it; I do not remember which. All this time, no shots were fired. I moved
rapidly across an open field west of the road to where I paused at a lone
out-building.
Undoubtedly I should have remained there at least until morning, when I could
better have assessed the surroundings and the enemy positions. But, hurriedly, I
moved on back to a larger set of buildings below the brow of another hill which
we had passed when darkness was falling. There I came upon three more
disillusioned men from the 2d Platoon who said we should take cover in a small
outbuilding because Germans were swarming all over the place. I counseled
running to the west across the open space to what appeared to be a railroad
embankment for safer withdrawal, but I was outvoted. Perhaps they were right.
The "Krauts" would have cut us down in the now clearly moonlit snow.
At any rate, we were soon discovered and flushed out of our small concealment
by a squad of Germans with a couple of threatening grenade blasts.
Soon after capturing us, the German force of perhaps a company was becoming
very uneasy. American artillery was zeroing in on their newly won position.
Large red blasts were mushrooming on the hill opposite the buildings. We were
marched quickly back the half mile of road to where our first encounter had
taken place.
The Germans at the command post tried to appear nonchalant. They were
apparently marking time before sending us further back. Stiffly aware of our
obligation to give no more than name, rank and serial numbers, we nevertheless
accepted the offer of some small hardtack biscuits. They might have been okay
except for the flavor of gasoline on them. We also revealed our ages to one
another. I was just past 20 and two of the other three captured Americans were
not yet 19, having been in the U.S. Army less than a year.
By daylight we had been moved another mile or more to the rear and put under
guard in a lightly wooded area along with what may have been 125 other GIs. Most
of these were stragglers from some other infantry divisions through which the
German drive had progressed.
Chagrin gradually replaced fear. We slowly grasped the fact that the
Wehrmacht had outguessed us, had been better led, had taken advantage of the
blackness and then the moonlight, and were advancing through green and poorly
led (though entirely capable) troops. It was not consolation to me then that
parts of my own division would in ensuing weeks be responsible for jamming the
enemy back through this very area whence they had come, back toward their own
heartland and ultimate defeat. This would coincide with the retaking of the
Bulge in the Ardennes.
Throughout the afternoon and evening artillery shells began falling to the
east of us. By mid-afternoon a whole host of us POWs were taken into a large
bunker of either the Maginot Line or the Siegfried Line. There, in a small
office, we were interrogated one by one by a Nazi officer. Several warm loaves
of bread were sent into the bunker for division among the Americans. I nearly
missed my part of a crust, having fallen asleep in a corner of the warm
enclosure.
At dusk we were assembled outside the bunker for further movement.
We continued marching under guard on through the night. This marching would
continue for five or six days. Once, during a brief rest at night in a small
village, a guard asked in broken English if anyone was from Chicago. A brief
exchange followed with one or two Americans from Chicago. The guard claimed to
have spent some prewar time in Chicago, USA.
By the end of the first week as a POW, I found myself in a small, crowded
prison compound. Inside the enclosure were a group of dreary, gray, low
buildings near a railroad track. I remember this place with considerable
displeasure, for it was here that we were loaded, after a day or two delay, onto
the rail cars. These were, no doubt, the same size as the famed World War I
forty-by-eights which would accommodate eight horses. Into the car which I
boarded were crammed 86 men. Men in another car claimed to have counted 90.
This was to be my most difficult experience as a POW. Luckily, most of us
were still in sound physical condition. The weather was cold and the proximity
to 85 other men momentarily seemed tolerable. But it soon became apparent that
no more than half of us could sit down at once, this in folded accordion-like
positions. The first night on the train, some of us did our bit at singing
spirituals, but nerves were becoming taut. The standing men were insisting on
their turn at sitting. Some of those sitting were selfishly holding their
positions, and increasing cases of diarrhea forced some motion in the packed
car. Urination, we decreed, should take place through the crack at the bottom of
the side door. A couple of helmet liners were pressed into use as chamber pots
to dispose of defecation. These were passed overhead to a small ventilator
window at the top of one corner of the car, whence they were dumped down the
outside of the car. The train could have been transporting well over 1,000
prisoners. Our stops were frequent, probably because of rail yard damage from
bombings. This car and most of the cars I would ride in bore a few bullet holes
from strafings.
By the third day those who were not sick were desperately hungry and thirsty.
At last, in early afternoon the train came to a halt in a large railyard.
Abruptly, the door was unbarred and several of us were ordered out for some
duty. It turned

Pfc. Stanley Lambert, 1944, I Co./275
out be a bread-carrying detail. The fresh air and walk up the side of the
train felt good, but when we returned to the car with the bread, no one was very
enthused over it. All the men were dehydrated. Our best effort was in obtaining
a large block of ice from a yard wagon while the guards were not watching. This
was quickly broken into lumps and divided among most of the 86 thirsty mouths.
In a short time the train moved on. But it stopped again before evening, and
the boxcars disgorged their cramped loads of privates and privates-first-class
from the U.S. Army. The location was Ludwigsburg, the site of the first large
prison camp I was to be in. The German name for this camp was "Stalag V-A." The
enclosure was a well-constructed brick military compound with the appearance of
having been built back in the days of cavalry and draft horses. Though we were
at V-A for only a couple of days, we were able to shower, sleep in relatively
clean quarters, dispose of our waste in a more sanitary way, and get all of the
water we wanted to drink. The first evening we received some small but delicious
portions of packaged cheese. The next day we were served some of the thinnest
soup I thought possible. It was scarcely edible for its only identifiable
substance tasted like alfalfa leaves. Soups of similar quality and density I
soon learned were dubbed "dishwater" soup in POW jargon. The small portions of
"black" bread which we received at first seemed strong and were called "sawdust
bread." But we soon learned to appreciate this bread and eagerly accepted even
the smallest slabs of it.
Another long train ride was ahead of us. This time we were shipped to a much
larger camp, Stalag IV-B, some 85 miles south of Berlin. The trip was long and
cold with little food and water. There were many delays and some close
bombardments by Allied planes. One blast rocked the car and threw debris against
it. Another sharp blast blew open a ventilator window on the car, but this one,
it turned out, was the blast from a German antiaircraft gun close to our stalled
railcar.
One condition was much improved. There could be no more than two-thirds the
number of men per car that was on our previous trip.
Stalag IV-B materialized out of a cold, gray night on the flat sands of
northern Germany. The geographical location associated with the camp was
Muhlberg, but the town was far enough away that we could not see it. IV-B was an
immense compound of drab structures. The buildings were long, low,
barracks-like, and they housed many thousands of British and Russians POWs. It
was to be my home for some two weeks.
My
most vivid memories of our barracks were the nights in them. There was just room
for all the exhausted men to lie down in the unheated building. We lay in groups
of three to preserve warmth, and arranged outer garments and old German shelter
halves over and under us. We were only beginning to learn from the British the
fine art of improvising in a prison hut. Very soon we learned to pull our
tortured feet close to us because some dysentery victim was always staggering
through the darkness toward the door, trampling over frostbitten and
trench-foot-afflicted feet. I believe I have known no pain greater than that
suffered for 10 minutes following the mauling of one's frozen feet by a
stampeding, dysenteried POW. Older, more experienced hands would have known to
nest down as far from the door as possible. We actually had no choice, coming in
as we did at night to an already crowded barracks.
Very early in our stay we were processed through a shower and delousing unit
common to German prisons. These bare brick and stone structures had a waiting
room where we completely disrobed, leaving our boots stashed in the room, but
tying our garments all in one bundle to be sent through a steam delouser.
Two things were luxurious about the whole procedure. One was the hot shower
where we could observe our flattening bellies but still muscular limbs, and let
the warm streams of water splatter over our blue, frost-bitten feet. The other
was picking up our bundles of steaming clothes after shivering stark naked for a
half hour in the waiting room. It was fortunate that one did not know until
later how similar the procedure was to the gas chamber execution of the Jews.
Communication with the outside world was evident when one visited the British
barracks. The "Limeys" had pajamas,towels, a few toilet articles, and some
utensils which they had received from home or had improvised. Many of these
fellows had been prisoners of war since the 1942 days of Rommel's success in
North Africa. They had spent many rough months earlier in their captivity,
especially under the "Eye-Tyes" (Italians). Their lot, however, had decidedly
improved as they were located in the more permanent prison camps in Germany.
Connections with home through the International Red Cross had become common,
though slow, and frequent delivery of Red Cross food parcels from Australia, New
Zealand, Britain, Canada, or the United States were made. The intent of the Red
Cross was to make a parcel delivery to every prisoner each week. When they were
successful, a prisoner could live tolerably well.
I personally, however, never received a whole parcel. We had to divide the
parcel among four and, once, even five men. This became difficult with a hard
chocolate bar or a can of milk powder, but we eagerly managed. During my
four-and-a-half months as a prisoner of war, I was recipient of only about four
such divided deliveries, but I believe they contributed considerably to my
survival. The small work camp to which I would soon go either could not or did
not receive the regular quota of Red Cross parcels which went to most large
camps, either officer or enlisted camps. The military ring squeezing in on
Germany probably shut off Red Cross connections, too.
The fare of the Russian prisoners which I could observe in the week at IV-13
was considerably poorer than ours. To my knowledge they received no Red Cross
parcels. I suppose Stalinist Russia had nothing to do with the International Red
Cross. Their clothing was scantier and shabbier than ours. They were undoubtedly
long-term prisoners of war. Yet, they had a look of sinewy toughness. I saw one
Russian stalking about in the space between our barracks on two stub legs
whacked off above the knees. His empty pants legs were folded up and tied below
his buttocks. The high death rate of Russian and German prisoners in each
other's clutches is a matter of history.
In late January another group of several hundred of us able-bodied Americans
was entrained for a work camp or "lager." This trip was more tolerable than
previous ones. When the train was stopped on one occasion, the guards let us out
of the cars to relieve ourselves and stomp our freezing feet in the snow. The
cars were not more than half as crowded as on the trip to Ludwigsburg. Our rail
destination was a small station and village bordered on one side by sharp bluffs
and on the other by the deep channel of the Elbe River, not far from
Czechoslovakia. We were soon lined up and taken on an exhausting, winding trek
up the steep bluffs and over hills onto the gently rolling countryside which was
now changing from pine forest to open fields. Still inside the wooded area, we
were suddenly upon the lager.
For some reason, Lilienstein either was or became the name of the place. It
was enclosed by a high barbed wire fence and included an area of perhaps three
acres. A number of familiar long, low barracks-like structures were standing
inside, but these were neither on the ground nor on a concrete foundation. They
sat about a foot above the ground on rows of pine stakes or posts three to four
inches in diameter.
Within a couple of days our routine was becoming better established. We were
taken in groups of 25 to 35 and lodged in rooms of other barracks. These rooms
we called "huts." They were about 15-feet square, having one entryway and two
small windows against the outside wall. The inside wall formed the backside of
another but which opened onto the
other side of the building. The other two walls, of course, adjoined huts on
our side of the barracks. Four-decked bunks with straw mats would serve for
sleeping and as a hiding place for valuables.
Valuables included hoarded bits of bread ration, a tidbit from a Red Cross
parcel, a potato or rutabaga pilfered from a storage pile near the work site, or
even a testament which the Germans had failed to pick up for "checking." A small
wood stove was located near the inside wall of the but in the six-footwide open
space between the bunks.
The morning routine began with a ration of "erzats" which was a hot drink
made of roasted acorns and grain or perhaps something worse. Unless we were very
thirsty, we usually declined the delicacy. Before many moments passed, a guard
would open the door and call: "Raus gehen," meaning: "outside."
This gentle approach got little response and the huts did not fully come to
life until a guard poked his rifle barrel through the door and roared some
obscenity in kraut, then shouted: "Raus!" or "Louse!" of which there were
plenty, and "Schnell, schnell." The guards did not call a roll of the prisoners,
but each morning a count of all the men in the lager was made. The count would
continue until the krauts were satisfied with the number. This could take an
hour or more as they often had to search the huts for stragglers, only to have
someone else sneak back into a but before the recount was complete.
This frequently caused delay in our departure for work, thus shortening our
work days.
Out the gate and down the trail, through the trees, the guards moved us to
work. Into the open fields some 200 yards stood the "engineer's" shack. It was
near an open trench which was progressing eastward.
We took our tools and began digging, usually at a snail's pace unless a guard
or engineer was close by and insisting on progress. The trench being dug for the
water line was about four feet deep, two feet wide at the top, and approximately
one foot wide at the bottom. The bosses were very insistent that the foot of
topsoil be windrowed some five feet back from the trench and the remainder of
the excavation stacked nearer the trench. As the trench deepened, part of the
prisoners stood beside the trench, clearing away what others threw out. To the
disgust of the engineers, progress was slow. The stubby one did much storming
and cursing, his favorite outburst being °sacramenta." We christened him:
"Sacramento." Often, he would impatiently grab our pick or shovel and
demonstrate the proper use. We would stand back in faked awe at such an
efficient performance.
Not far from camp, across the trench from where the engineer's shack first
sat, were long piles of stored vegetables. The piles were perhaps 12 feet wide
at the base and six feet high, and lay in three rows about 200 feet long. They
had first been covered with layers of leaves and straw, then several inches of
dirt. We soon discovered the contents of the piles and then followed a game of
cat and mouse which would continue for as long as our work was in the proximity
of vegetable piles.
It was impossible for bosses and guards to watch everyone at once and soon
one or two Americans would slip out of the trench and run
for the shelter of the potato piles where they would fill their pant legs
above their boots or the loose blouse above their belts or even both. Onions and
rutabagas might also be in the fare. As often as not, the absence of some
workers would be discovered. Sacramento shouted and waved his fists, and guards
would send a bullet zinging over the vegetable piles. More than one GI was
caught, buffeted around a bit and forced to release his treasure. Another might
jettison his take and flee back to the trench as a bullet cracked overhead. But
even an apprehended pilferer might retain a couple of stray potatoes or an onion
in some of his increasingly loose garments, and the whole effort would have been
worth it. The most accomplished poacher of vegetables was a tall, gaunt American
Indian named Hummingbird. He could slip away from the work gang, lope along with
his head ducked below the crest of the piles, fill the clothing on his long
frame, and be back in the trench before Sacramento or the guards missed him.
As the time passed, and our weight and strength diminished, it became
apparent that the guards and even Sacramento were ignoring a limited amount of
pilfering. One evening as we were coming in the prison gate, our guard, "Snake
Eyes," saw a large rutabaga drop from the sleeve of the overcoat which I had
slung over my shoulder. He quickly motioned for me to pick it up and no more was
made of it. In retrospect, this bit of pilfering from the Krauts was justified
in the sport it afforded us as well as the food it provided.
As we became better acquainted with the guards, and as their reputations
grew, we gave them names. The names usually revealed our contempt for them, as
in the case of "Hollywood." Hollywood was quite tall, wore black boots, was
already developing a "German belly," and thought himself very handsome. He liked
to appear very affable in front of a group of us, but could turn treacherous and
deceptive in forcing men out of the huts, or reporting us to his superiors.
One of the first to be named, Hollywood clearly earned our disdain.
Another we christened "Bull Neck" because of his thick, short neck and the
way he was always twitching his jaw and neck while twisting his shoulders. Bull
Neck was said to have received numerous wounds on the Russian front, which may
have accounted for his twitches and foul disposition. Unlike Hollywood, he was
always sour and meannatured. On one occasion Bull Neck had charge of a detail
which included me. We carried some items to the German kitchen and quarters at
the south end of camp. While we stood waiting for a few minutes in the building,
I noticed a large pile of potatoes behind me. I succumbed to temptation and
snatched up a couple of fistfuls to stuff inside my clothing. Almost as though
waiting for one of us to try it, Bull Neck bounded over before me and began
cuffing me in the face with all the strength in his twitching shoulders.
I dropped the potatoes, but as we filed out of the building, I noted that I
could scarcely feel the effect of his blows. Yet Bull Neck had had his day.
"Redhead," so named for the color of his hair, rapidly gained our dislike.
Nothing pleased him more than to find something to roar about. He loved to make
searches of the men in front of the barracks. Since capture, I had carried the
snapshots of family and friends in the lining of my heavy GI shirttail.
Unfortunately, Redhead singled me out for search one morning and discovered the
snapshots. From all the vitriol and noise which followed, one would have thought
I had made an attempt on der Fuhrer's life. Redhead's day had been made.

Stan and his wife Dorothy visit a WW2
memorial honoring veterans at Epinal Cemetary, France, during 70th Infantry
Division Association Pilgrimage in May 2001.
The arrival of Red Cross parcels or even the rumor of their
arrival caused great excitement and flow of saliva. Red Fridley and I, who
bunked together, pooled our shares. The parcels contained such staples as
hardtack biscuit, dried fruit, heavy chocolate bars, coffee and cigarettes
readily became media of exchange. These were bartered with the Germans, chiefly
civilians, for bread.
Red and I and many other prisoners stretched our Red Cross food for as long
as possible. We were still making weak tea right up to the end of captivity. But
Louis Mai in an adjoining but said: "To hell with it. I'm going to get one good
fill, anyway." Unfortunately, he got sick to his shrunken stomach and threw it
all up.
To hungry men, food readily becomes a favorite topic of conversation. I think
I heard of every dish which anyone had ever eaten Some struck me as rather
strange, such as green tomato pie or pies with graham cracker crust. I opted for
corn bread, salt pork and navy beans.
Red spoke longingly of bacon fried to just barely a crisp condition. Old Mort
longed for plain ham and eggs. Some started making lists of dishes and recipes,
even promised an exchange of food when we got back to the USA. I was to send a
friend from California a home-cured ham in exchange for a box of dried fruit. I
haven't yet decided whether the discussions did more harm than good, but they
helped pass the time.
Slow starvation has a way of revealing the weaknesses and perhaps some of the
strengths in all of us. A person caught stealing an article of food was
unmercifully beaten. If a chunk of bread disappeared from a bunk or a roasting
potato vanished from the ash pan, suspicion permeated the whole but like a stale
mist. Every item was then for a time more closely guarded or securely hidden.
Some were no doubt falsely suspected and mistreated by their fellow prisoners.
There was an astounding difference over in the Limey huts. Articles were left
in the open. No left over items of food was concealed and they would
occasionally ask a visiting American to "have a spo-a-brew with me, Old Chap." I
was never able to account for this difference, unless it was because of their
longer term as prisoners and the resulting sifting out and reforming of weaker
individuals.
From then on we remained in camp except for small work details, one of which
took a wagon to a nearby village to pick up a dead horse for the kitchen. The
horse had been hit by strafing P-51s which struck a small rail junction, Pyrna,
near the lager. For two days the soup was the best we'd had all winter. I was on
another work detail which took a wagon out to the potato piles and hauled a load
back to camp.
Through the long weeks we had anxiously sought any news of military gains by
the Allies and Russia. We were not in doubt of the outcome of the war, but
impatient for it. Soon after arriving at the work camp in February we heard the
faint booming of Russian artillery to the east. Rumors were abroad that the
Russians had reached as far as Gorlitz, 40 miles east of Lilienstein. This may
have been true, but apparently the drive stalled. Later that month the
obliteration of Dresden began on a dark night when Lancasters and Sterlings
dropped blockbusters which rattled windows in our prison camp. Fortresses and
Liberators came in by day and unloaded. A month or so later we heard the faint
rumble of American bombs striking another large German center to the west.
Perhaps it was Nurembourg or
Leipzig. In April we saw from our confinement in camp waves of B-17s dropping
bombs, probably on railyards near Dresden. We dejectedly watched one crippled
fortress falling from formation, too.
At last came the bold attack by P-51s which triumphantly zoomed up over the
camp as they turned on their strafing runs. Clearly the Wermacht and the Third
Reich were cracking up.
Monday, May 7, 1945, dawned radiantly clear. After several hours of bustling
and confusion, the winter occupants of Lilienstein lager were going out of its
gates for the last time. Everyone picked up his valuables and belongings before
leaving his hut. For most of us this included only the clothing we wore. Loss of
weight was easily evident in the drawn face, bulging eyes and loose clothing.
Hollywood's films have never adequately portrayed this appearance in their
prison movies. My loss of weight from 170 pounds to approximately 120 pounds was
typical of Lilienstein lager's "Kriegsgefangeners."
By midday we were several miles from camp. The guards tried to keep us in a
relatively compact formation, but the straggling line of some 900 Americans and
200 British became hopelessly strung out and disorganized. Some were weaker than
others, many had to stop frequently because of dysentery. and all would search
like hungry cattle along the roadside for a stray stalk of rhubarb. Neither the
harried guards nor German farmers could keep the broken lines of prisoners from
spreading into freshly planted potato fields near the road and unearthing the
yet-unsprouted tubers.
The potatoes were whole, small ones planted in what appeared to be listed
fields, but instead of planting in the furrows as American farmers planted their
corn, the Germans planted their potatoes in the ridges. Working the ridges much
like a gopher, we could make a fair collection before the guards or an irate
German farmer, waving a smoking pistol over his head, could chase us out.
The first night out of camp we spent in and around a large barn north of a
village. There was a considerable delay before our departure the next morning.
We spent the time roasting potatoes or hunting for more. I was fortunate enough
to find and roast a morsel, the like of which 1 had never eaten before nor
since. It was a large snail. The flesh inside the shell was delicious.
The little village of Liebstadt appeared around the bend in the late
afternoon sun. Long shadows fell across the narrow streets from tall shops and
houses. Surprisingly, friendly civilians came and took us, the last of the
stragglers, into one of the large houses. Snook was placed in a bed. A doctor
came and gave him a shot of morphine and tended another wounded man. The rest of
us in the tattered group were seated about a table and given a meal.
A mixture of gratitude and disbelief crossed my mind. I was bewildered by
this show of kindness, but had no desire to question or reject it. Several
middle-aged German people, some of them housewives, were on hand and carried on
earnest conversation which we could not make out. Shortly, however, their
intentions became known; they would quarter us in their homes. Most would stay
in this large three-story-apartment-type house on the village main street. I
would go with Herr and Frau Saupe to spend the night.
I accepted this hospitality with little reluctance, for in truth, I had not
the strength to do otherwise. Whatever their motives, I could not bring myself
to doubt the compassion in Frau Saupe's face as she arranged sleeping quarters
for me in her living room. Perhaps she had lost a son of her own in the
shattered Wermacht.
After a restful night for me, the morning dawned to bring a new crisis to the
people of Liebstadt. The Soviet Army entered the village, shattering the
stillness with rifle and machine gun fire. They were at first doing little more
than celebrating long-awaited victory and raiding German homes and shops. A
tremor of apprehension surely passed through every home as it now did the Saupes'.
They began to question me, a mere Pfc. who for months had been separated from
U.S. control, about the frail possibility of their falling under American
occupation rather than Russian.
Abruptly, more people entered the Saupe home; speaking in much fear and
excitement. It was another German couple and their daughter in her late teens.
The daughter, babbling and crying as much in rage as in fear, had been raped by
a Russian soldier. She had fled from her own house upon the entry of Russian
soldiers, but had been attacked by a soldier or soldiers in her backyard. Her
slacks and blouse still bore some dirt from the ground, and a rope burn was
clearly visible on her neck.
She had attempted suicide by hanging, but had been constrained by her
parents. By midmorning the village pastor was trying to calm the hysterical
people, especially those with maiden daughters. By afternoon Frau and Herr Saupe
made plans to leave with their daughter for "gebuseh" (brushy or forested
countryside) to spend the night.
I was to have charge of their house. Gradually it began dawning upon me that
I and the other POWs in Liebstadt were being used by the German families to
soften the Russian atrocities and retribution. But cynicism did not entirely
take over. After all, the Saupes had taken me in, fed me, and now departed with
an apparent show of friendship. I determined to stay the second night at this
home.
Early in the night there was a loud knocking on the door. There stood three
young Russian soldiers to whom I immediately identified myself as an American.
"Ameri-caaaannn!" they shouted, each, in turn, pumping my hand vigoriously
and nearly severing my arm from its socket.
Their two understandable requests were "fraulein" and "schnapps."
I took them into the house where they made a thorough search for both, but
having found neither, they pumped my hand again and left in good humor. No more
visitors appeared that night and I rested well.
The next morning the Saupes returned without their daughter. They were very
happy to see that their house had fared better than many. Despite the visitors
of the previous evening, nothing had been molested. They patted me on the back
and heaped praises on my success in protecting their house.
But their exuberance was short-lived. By mid-morning, more Russian soldiers
came to the house. These fellows were more dour and less effusive than my
visitors of the previous evening. They looked about, not really
interested in looting, but they requested schnapps. When the Saupes nervously
set cider before them, which they called "seedah," the Russians took one taste
and "bah!" They motioned it away.
Their spokesman also, upon noting my drawn cheeks and skinny figure, ordered
the Germans to set cold boiled "kartoffelen" in front of me, expecting me to eat
and grow fat immediately. He did not realize the limitations of a shrunken
stomach.
While the Russians were there, Frau Saupe nervously slipped her watch from
her wrist and handed it to the soldiers in a silent, piteous plea for them to
leave. They took the watch with expressionless indifference. Later in the day I
saw a Russian wearing several watches on one arm. To most of them it had become
a badge of conquest.
Shortly after the Russians left, the Saupes departed in a state of tearfully
nervous shock. I would not see them again, as a day later I learned from their
next door neighbor that the Saupes had taken their own lives.
"Frau Saupe, Herr Saupe, Boom! Boom! The neighbor said, pointing his index
finger to his head.
Because of the frequency of the Russian visits to the Saupes' house and being
there alone, an older British soldier, whom I remember only as Bill, advised me
to come and stay with the larger group in the threestory house.
This I readily agreed to.
We were quartered in the top floor of the building and had a commanding view
of the street below. Bill was an intelligent chap, easy to visit with, and we
had some long chats with a third man named Hank. Hank was a Hollander who had
attended agricultural college and spoke excellent English. He had been a POW
inside Germany for most of the conflict, and now, with his language abilities,
he became valuable in communicating with German civilians.
We ate a filling midday meal in our thirdfloor apartment. Then our leisurely
afternoon was suddenly interrupted by a commotion in the street below. The chap
nearest the window shouted: "GIs!"
I didn't go to the window, but grabbed my knapsack and belongings and joined
the throng going down the flight of stairs.
There, in mid-street, God bless them, stood several U.S. Army men near their
ambulances. More American POWs than I realized were in the village.
They now poured into the street along with a few Englishmen and the Dutchman,
Hank. Quickly we packed into the ambulances. Some sat on fenders, still others
scrambled onto the American light tank which was sitting around the bend in the
street. The American tankers were swapping rations with Russian soldiers. One
big American tankman of Slavic descent was partially successful in making
conversation with the Russians in either the Czech or Polish tongue.
Within an hour, the tank and ambulance convoy was moving from Liebstadt by
the same road we had entered with the wagonload of wounded men. This time we
headed toward Dresden, but before entering the city we met a large American
truck convoy in the company of some lumbering Sherman tanks. Only the sick and
wounded stayed in the ambulances. The rest of us boarded the "six-by-six" trucks
on which we then moved through Dresden.
No tarps were over the truck boxes. We could now, at firsthand, see the vast
destruction of the city. Allied bombing and the recent Russian shelling had left
everything in shambles. The streets were being cleared, but one could see no
whole buildings. Every house, shop, warehouse or factory had either the top
blown out or worse, and the stench of death was strong in the air. I was glad
when we had to move on.
All night the trucks rolled, through Chemnitz and westward. Once the convoy
stopped to let us relieve ourselves of intestinal disorders. Through the
remainder of the night and into the morning the trucks moved, and finally came
to a stop well inside American-occupied territory at the large air base of
Erfurt in central Germany.
The area about the air base buildings, but well off the runways, was a
virtual sea of humanity. Thousands of displaced persons from central and eastern
Europe, some military but mostly civilian, were milling about awaiting the next
fleet of trucks to head eastward.
These people included Poles, Czechs, Russians and perhaps others who had
performed forced labor for Hitler's Germany. I presume they had received some
sort of rations from the American military, but there, as we watched, GIs were
dusting lice powder on many who stood waiting.
While we were still watching, many of these people were climbing onto the
trucks for transportation to the east, at least as far as the Elbe River and
from there toward home, what was left of it, by any means the Russian Army might
allow.
At last we ex-POWs, British as well as American, entered the compound and
joined a long-dreamed-of chow line. I doubt that the medical corps would have
recommended the menu which we received, but we downed with relish a big, breaded
pork chop dinner with all the trimmings.
At the Rheims base we received a new issue of clothing. I was happy to shed
my pestinfected rags. Here, I was also given a can of new DDT powder to dispose
of the last of the persistent lice. I was reminded again of the weight I'd lost
when a new pair of drawers, size 28, slid off my hips.
From Rheims we were transported by rail to Camp Lucky Strike, a large tent
city near the French port of Le Havre. There we wrote letters home, received
more clothing, were given plenty of soft foods, drank Red Cross eggnog, and took
paregoric. I slept a good deal and my body gradually began to fill out. I felt
that I would have rejected the opportunity to go home before I could put on
considerable weight. I need not have worried. It was well into June before we
embarked for home.
By late June I had furlough papers for a long leave at home in north-central
Nebraska. At dusk I stepped from the bus and swung the duffel bag to my
shoulder. Very little traffic on the highway, I thought - gas rationing, of
course!
My suntans were wrinkled, but I didn't mind. It was just a mile and a half
down a dirt road and I'd be home. Summer insects were humming and the sweet
scent of clover blossoms in the meadows
drifted across the road.
Up ahead Uncle Jud's old collie gave a prodigious roar and a cat scurried up
a tree across the road. Crossing the creek, I noted the bridge rail still
leaning at a precarious angle.
Trusting that my folks had received my messages and hoping that all was well
at home, I walked in the driveway. Stopping a moment, I could hear Mother
playing the piano and there, by the lamplight, was Dad, reading "The Saturday
Evening Post."
My home was still there.
Stanley Lambert was discharged in November of 1945. In 1946 he used his GI
Bill and went to the University of Nebraska, graduating Magna Cum Laude with a
Bachelor of Science degree in Agriculture in 1950. In 1951, he married Dorothy,
whom he'd met while at the University. Back at home on the farm, Lambert taught
veterans on-the-farm training for several years. He and Dorothy raised two sons
and a daughter. They have been farming hay, some grain and cattle since 1953.
They still live on the farm, the Lambert Homestead, where Stanley was born.
Lambert's paternal grandfather homesteaded the property in 1883. Their middle
son, Tim, is now the farm manager. Stanley Lambert will be the national
president of the 70th Infantry Division Association in 2002.
Lambert's story is much longer, but because of space constraints, we could
not print all of it here. If you would like to read the unabridged version of
Lambert's story, please send me an e-mail and I will attach a copy by reply. You
may e-mail me at: briolap@usarc-emh2.army.mil.
(Editor's note: Mr. Lambert's story was condensed by Sgt. 1st Class Pam
Briola, 47th Military History Detachment.) |