Accounts - 275th - Stan Lambert
This memoir is by Stanley Lambert, a 70th Infantry Division World War 11 combat veteran. It was condensed by Pam Briola. From the Three Star Final, the official Journal of the 70th RSC, November/December 2001. Pg 4 -6.

Stalag IVB Picture - Stalag IVB History

by Stanley Lambert, I Co., 275th Regiment, 70th Infantry Division

Foreword 1969

Many of the details of my experience as a prisoner of war in Germany during World War II remain quite vivid. The exact order and dates of the happenings have, of course, long since left me. Even a very limited diary of daily occurrences after I was captured would now be invaluable in recounting those days.

I did for a period of some 20 days keep in my inner garments such a diary which, for that interval, escaped the notice of interrogation and search. By that time, however, I had lost interest in the project and had either thrown the papers away or passed them around for a use more urgent to prisoners afflicted with inevitable dysentery.

At any rate, now convalescing from surgery, I am reminded and inspired by my affable hospital roommate's bout with a yellow jaundice condition to write my memories of POW life, a brief but discouraging portion of which was spent suffering from yellow jaundice.

In the closing weeks of December 1944, portions of the 70th Infantry Division, a fresh unit from America, took positions along a relatively quiet sector of the Rhine River near Strasbourg, France. A victim of Uncle Sam's cancellation of Army air cadet training programs, I had, since the previous May, been a rifleman in Company I, 275th Infantry Regiment of the 70th Division. Retaining its old cadre, the division had refilled its ranks with those of us who were deflated transfers from air cadets and Army special training programs as well as new draftees.

Now after seven months of intensive infantry training we were across the ocean, tasting foxhole life on the Rhine River bottom. We slept in barns or warehouses, even an abandoned kiln, and though a few artillery exchanges were taking place in the area, we were hardly becoming accustomed to combat. All this would abruptly change.

On the evening of Dec. 31, 1944, before we could eat a long-awaited hot supper, we were hustled aboard trucks and hauled northward to meet another desperate offensive thrust of the Germans. This one was nearly 100 miles south of the Bulge area, and though neither as strong nor as well supplied as the Bulge offensive, this move by the Wehrmacht was making considerable progress. The nature and importance of this challenge was, as usual, unknown to us as we swung and bounced over the narrow French roads on this New Year's Eve.

At midnight we entered Niederbronn in open trucks with M-1 barrels pointing skyward, barking their greeting to the new year. The noise briefly brought officers from the warmth of their truck cabs to quiet things down.

I Company bivouacked for the remainder of the night in an idle foundry. Bill Schafer and I, who were scouts for our squad, pooled our blankets and lay close together for warmth, but Bill complained of cold feet. We rearranged the packing material which we had spread under us, tucked the blankets tighter around our feet, and shifted our heavy GI coats. I debated whether we should remove our boots, but Bill, not long from the Ozarks, enjoyed shedding his footwear.

In the morning, Sgt. Henning lighted the squad burner and we had a sumptuous breakfast prepared from a "10-in-1" carton. It was the first and last time that some of us would ever enjoy this innovation in field rations, and through the hungry months to follow I would clearly recall the smells and tastes of this meal - bacon, string beans, ham, fruit, potatoes, the works.

In late afternoon on Jan. 1, 1945, I Company moved forward at a point beyond Philippsbourg in what we were told was the Vosges Mountains of the Alsace region. The Germans in this offensive thrust below the Bulge area were desperately trying to salvage an offensive. Their main effort in the Ardennes was bogging down. According to the American Heritage Publication on the Battle of the Bulge, Hitler called this alternative offensive "Nordwind."

Later I learned from companion prisoners of war that the "Krauts" had broken through portions of several other American divisions. I had on this night of gathering darkness a curious mixture of apprehension and pride at being a green scout on the extreme point of the Third Battalion, 275th Infantry, approaching enemy lines. Before the night was over, I was to learn how utterly efficient the Wehrmacht could seem once it had assumed an offensive.

The roadway passed across narrow open valleys and past a clustered farmstead or two which lay abreast of some large wooded hills. The early winter evening grew swiftly into blackness and I could scarcely follow the road which would shortly lead to disastrous confrontation.

The innocent courage of those of us on the point of our advance would most surely have been shaken had we known how close we were to established German positions. We were mistakenly advancing into the darkness beyond our planned objectives.

The column behind froze in the blackness, as did I at the German challenge: "Halt there!"

More experienced soldiers would have plunged immediately into what cover the roadside afforded. Then a sudden burst of fire from °brrrp" guns from an angle above the road sent me sprawling into a shallow defile beside a narrow strip of asphalt-like road covering. After a moment of shock, our M-1s and one BAR started answering the incessant fire from the German machine guns. The BAR was some 40 yards behind. That had to be Monds. Schafer, Hennings, and Strauser between us were silent. They must have been hit. At length our return fire, especially the BAR, gave the Germans pause. Perhaps this was to better locate our scattered positions, for when they opened up again some of their tracers lodged in the asphalt a few feet in front of my nose as I peered up under my helmet rim.


During the 70th Infantry Division Association's Pilgrimage to the Alcase region of France, in May, Stan Lambert (right) spoke with Robert Allmang, Grossbliederstroff mayor.

The murderous angle at which the enemy fired upon us raked the column clear back through the second platoon. This could only increase the cost of the debacle. Yet there were some examples of heroism. Sgt. Gerken at the tail end of one squad set his rifle grenades to "splatting" around the German positions. His persistence no doubt helped the withdrawal, but it was soon to draw enemy fire which cut him down.

Monds' BAR kept up its methodical bang-bang-bang. Another Schafer further back in the company, his tongue loosened with cognac, bellowed: "Okay, boys, warm up them old M-1 barrels, show them Krauts!"

During a lull, Lt. Cannon, in his Georgia drawl, coolly ordered the men to start withdrawing as they could while maintaining fire.

The heaviest part of the encounter could have lasted no more than two hours, perhaps little more than an hour. Withdrawal from my position seemed almost impossible. I was in a slight depression which seemed not more than 20 yards from the muzzles of the machine guns. Slight movement revealed that I lay among some scattered broken roof tile fallen from a small building which took shape behind me. Every movement I made rattled the tile in the inch-deep snow. Objects gradually became more visible and I realized, lying in the near zero cold, that the moon was rising behind the hill in which the Germans were situated.

Through the din of the firing and the silence of the companions closest behind me, I became certain that each ensuing burst from a machine gun would end my existence. I thought of the shock for my family and prayed to Christ to have mercy on my soul, for I was certain of having to face my Maker before the night ended. When the firing finally ceased and the surviving men behind me had withdrawn, I asked myself why I had been spared, a question I was to ask several more times before the war's end.

For most of the next hour I lay prone, my right arm over my rifle, my chin against the snow, and my eyes peering under the rim of a motionless helmet. Finally, a military vehicle pulled to a stop some 10 feet in front of me on the road, and two Germans walked forward and stopped, their boots only inches from my helmet. I fully expected them to shoot me then, but they undoubtedly took me for dead.

The vehicle moved on up the road, and complete silence followed for at least another half hour. I soon became convinced that I must get up and make my break. On my first attempt at rising, I fell noisily among the roof tile, my legs utterly paralyzed from lying motionless in the snow. On the second try my limbs came to life and I plowed around the small building behind me and ran full force into a woven wire fence at least six feet high. This threw me to the ground again, but only momentarily for I was up again and either went over the fence or around it; I do not remember which. All this time, no shots were fired. I moved rapidly across an open field west of the road to where I paused at a lone out-building.

Undoubtedly I should have remained there at least until morning, when I could better have assessed the surroundings and the enemy positions. But, hurriedly, I moved on back to a larger set of buildings below the brow of another hill which we had passed when darkness was falling. There I came upon three more disillusioned men from the 2d Platoon who said we should take cover in a small outbuilding because Germans were swarming all over the place. I counseled running to the west across the open space to what appeared to be a railroad embankment for safer withdrawal, but I was outvoted. Perhaps they were right. The "Krauts" would have cut us down in the now clearly moonlit snow.

At any rate, we were soon discovered and flushed out of our small concealment by a squad of Germans with a couple of threatening grenade blasts.

Soon after capturing us, the German force of perhaps a company was becoming very uneasy. American artillery was zeroing in on their newly won position. Large red blasts were mushrooming on the hill opposite the buildings. We were marched quickly back the half mile of road to where our first encounter had taken place.

The Germans at the command post tried to appear nonchalant. They were apparently marking time before sending us further back. Stiffly aware of our obligation to give no more than name, rank and serial numbers, we nevertheless accepted the offer of some small hardtack biscuits. They might have been okay except for the flavor of gasoline on them. We also revealed our ages to one another. I was just past 20 and two of the other three captured Americans were not yet 19, having been in the U.S. Army less than a year.

By daylight we had been moved another mile or more to the rear and put under guard in a lightly wooded area along with what may have been 125 other GIs. Most of these were stragglers from some other infantry divisions through which the German drive had progressed.

Chagrin gradually replaced fear. We slowly grasped the fact that the Wehrmacht had outguessed us, had been better led, had taken advantage of the blackness and then the moonlight, and were advancing through green and poorly led (though entirely capable) troops. It was not consolation to me then that parts of my own division would in ensuing weeks be responsible for jamming the enemy back through this very area whence they had come, back toward their own heartland and ultimate defeat. This would coincide with the retaking of the Bulge in the Ardennes.

Throughout the afternoon and evening artillery shells began falling to the east of us. By mid-afternoon a whole host of us POWs were taken into a large bunker of either the Maginot Line or the Siegfried Line. There, in a small office, we were interrogated one by one by a Nazi officer. Several warm loaves of bread were sent into the bunker for division among the Americans. I nearly missed my part of a crust, having fallen asleep in a corner of the warm enclosure.

At dusk we were assembled outside the bunker for further movement.

We continued marching under guard on through the night. This marching would continue for five or six days. Once, during a brief rest at night in a small village, a guard asked in broken English if anyone was from Chicago. A brief exchange followed with one or two Americans from Chicago. The guard claimed to have spent some prewar time in Chicago, USA.

By the end of the first week as a POW, I found myself in a small, crowded prison compound. Inside the enclosure were a group of dreary, gray, low buildings near a railroad track. I remember this place with considerable displeasure, for it was here that we were loaded, after a day or two delay, onto the rail cars. These were, no doubt, the same size as the famed World War I forty-by-eights which would accommodate eight horses. Into the car which I boarded were crammed 86 men. Men in another car claimed to have counted 90.

This was to be my most difficult experience as a POW. Luckily, most of us were still in sound physical condition. The weather was cold and the proximity to 85 other men momentarily seemed tolerable. But it soon became apparent that no more than half of us could sit down at once, this in folded accordion-like positions. The first night on the train, some of us did our bit at singing spirituals, but nerves were becoming taut. The standing men were insisting on their turn at sitting. Some of those sitting were selfishly holding their positions, and increasing cases of diarrhea forced some motion in the packed car. Urination, we decreed, should take place through the crack at the bottom of the side door. A couple of helmet liners were pressed into use as chamber pots to dispose of defecation. These were passed overhead to a small ventilator window at the top of one corner of the car, whence they were dumped down the outside of the car. The train could have been transporting well over 1,000 prisoners. Our stops were frequent, probably because of rail yard damage from bombings. This car and most of the cars I would ride in bore a few bullet holes from strafings.

By the third day those who were not sick were desperately hungry and thirsty. At last, in early afternoon the train came to a halt in a large railyard. Abruptly, the door was unbarred and several of us were ordered out for some duty. It turned

Pfc. Stanley Lambert, 1944, I Co./275

out be a bread-carrying detail. The fresh air and walk up the side of the train felt good, but when we returned to the car with the bread, no one was very enthused over it. All the men were dehydrated. Our best effort was in obtaining a large block of ice from a yard wagon while the guards were not watching. This was quickly broken into lumps and divided among most of the 86 thirsty mouths.

In a short time the train moved on. But it stopped again before evening, and the boxcars disgorged their cramped loads of privates and privates-first-class from the U.S. Army. The location was Ludwigsburg, the site of the first large prison camp I was to be in. The German name for this camp was "Stalag V-A." The enclosure was a well-constructed brick military compound with the appearance of having been built back in the days of cavalry and draft horses. Though we were at V-A for only a couple of days, we were able to shower, sleep in relatively clean quarters, dispose of our waste in a more sanitary way, and get all of the water we wanted to drink. The first evening we received some small but delicious portions of packaged cheese. The next day we were served some of the thinnest soup I thought possible. It was scarcely edible for its only identifiable substance tasted like alfalfa leaves. Soups of similar quality and density I soon learned were dubbed "dishwater" soup in POW jargon. The small portions of "black" bread which we received at first seemed strong and were called "sawdust bread." But we soon learned to appreciate this bread and eagerly accepted even the smallest slabs of it.

Another long train ride was ahead of us. This time we were shipped to a much larger camp, Stalag IV-B, some 85 miles south of Berlin. The trip was long and cold with little food and water. There were many delays and some close bombardments by Allied planes. One blast rocked the car and threw debris against it. Another sharp blast blew open a ventilator window on the car, but this one, it turned out, was the blast from a German antiaircraft gun close to our stalled railcar.

One condition was much improved. There could be no more than two-thirds the number of men per car that was on our previous trip.

Stalag IV-B materialized out of a cold, gray night on the flat sands of northern Germany. The geographical location associated with the camp was Muhlberg, but the town was far enough away that we could not see it. IV-B was an immense compound of drab structures. The buildings were long, low, barracks-like, and they housed many thousands of British and Russians POWs. It was to be my home for some two weeks.

My most vivid memories of our barracks were the nights in them. There was just room for all the exhausted men to lie down in the unheated building. We lay in groups of three to preserve warmth, and arranged outer garments and old German shelter halves over and under us. We were only beginning to learn from the British the fine art of improvising in a prison hut. Very soon we learned to pull our tortured feet close to us because some dysentery victim was always staggering through the darkness toward the door, trampling over frostbitten and trench-foot-afflicted feet. I believe I have known no pain greater than that suffered for 10 minutes following the mauling of one's frozen feet by a stampeding, dysenteried POW. Older, more experienced hands would have known to nest down as far from the door as possible. We actually had no choice, coming in as we did at night to an already crowded barracks.

Very early in our stay we were processed through a shower and delousing unit common to German prisons. These bare brick and stone structures had a waiting room where we completely disrobed, leaving our boots stashed in the room, but tying our garments all in one bundle to be sent through a steam delouser.

Two things were luxurious about the whole procedure. One was the hot shower where we could observe our flattening bellies but still muscular limbs, and let the warm streams of water splatter over our blue, frost-bitten feet. The other was picking up our bundles of steaming clothes after shivering stark naked for a half hour in the waiting room. It was fortunate that one did not know until later how similar the procedure was to the gas chamber execution of the Jews.

Communication with the outside world was evident when one visited the British barracks. The "Limeys" had pajamas,towels, a few toilet articles, and some utensils which they had received from home or had improvised. Many of these fellows had been prisoners of war since the 1942 days of Rommel's success in North Africa. They had spent many rough months earlier in their captivity, especially under the "Eye-Tyes" (Italians). Their lot, however, had decidedly improved as they were located in the more permanent prison camps in Germany. Connections with home through the International Red Cross had become common, though slow, and frequent delivery of Red Cross food parcels from Australia, New Zealand, Britain, Canada, or the United States were made. The intent of the Red Cross was to make a parcel delivery to every prisoner each week. When they were successful, a prisoner could live tolerably well.

I personally, however, never received a whole parcel. We had to divide the parcel among four and, once, even five men. This became difficult with a hard chocolate bar or a can of milk powder, but we eagerly managed. During my four-and-a-half months as a prisoner of war, I was recipient of only about four such divided deliveries, but I believe they contributed considerably to my survival. The small work camp to which I would soon go either could not or did not receive the regular quota of Red Cross parcels which went to most large camps, either officer or enlisted camps. The military ring squeezing in on Germany probably shut off Red Cross connections, too.

The fare of the Russian prisoners which I could observe in the week at IV-13 was considerably poorer than ours. To my knowledge they received no Red Cross parcels. I suppose Stalinist Russia had nothing to do with the International Red Cross. Their clothing was scantier and shabbier than ours. They were undoubtedly long-term prisoners of war. Yet, they had a look of sinewy toughness. I saw one Russian stalking about in the space between our barracks on two stub legs whacked off above the knees. His empty pants legs were folded up and tied below his buttocks. The high death rate of Russian and German prisoners in each other's clutches is a matter of history.

In late January another group of several hundred of us able-bodied Americans was entrained for a work camp or "lager." This trip was more tolerable than previous ones. When the train was stopped on one occasion, the guards let us out of the cars to relieve ourselves and stomp our freezing feet in the snow. The cars were not more than half as crowded as on the trip to Ludwigsburg. Our rail destination was a small station and village bordered on one side by sharp bluffs and on the other by the deep channel of the Elbe River, not far from Czechoslovakia. We were soon lined up and taken on an exhausting, winding trek up the steep bluffs and over hills onto the gently rolling countryside which was now changing from pine forest to open fields. Still inside the wooded area, we were suddenly upon the lager.

For some reason, Lilienstein either was or became the name of the place. It was enclosed by a high barbed wire fence and included an area of perhaps three acres. A number of familiar long, low barracks-like structures were standing inside, but these were neither on the ground nor on a concrete foundation. They sat about a foot above the ground on rows of pine stakes or posts three to four inches in diameter.

Within a couple of days our routine was becoming better established. We were taken in groups of 25 to 35 and lodged in rooms of other barracks. These rooms we called "huts." They were about 15-feet square, having one entryway and two small windows against the outside wall. The inside wall formed the backside of another but which opened onto the

other side of the building. The other two walls, of course, adjoined huts on our side of the barracks. Four-decked bunks with straw mats would serve for sleeping and as a hiding place for valuables.

Valuables included hoarded bits of bread ration, a tidbit from a Red Cross parcel, a potato or rutabaga pilfered from a storage pile near the work site, or even a testament which the Germans had failed to pick up for "checking." A small wood stove was located near the inside wall of the but in the six-footwide open space between the bunks.

The morning routine began with a ration of "erzats" which was a hot drink made of roasted acorns and grain or perhaps something worse. Unless we were very thirsty, we usually declined the delicacy. Before many moments passed, a guard would open the door and call: "Raus gehen," meaning: "outside."

This gentle approach got little response and the huts did not fully come to life until a guard poked his rifle barrel through the door and roared some obscenity in kraut, then shouted: "Raus!" or "Louse!" of which there were plenty, and "Schnell, schnell." The guards did not call a roll of the prisoners, but each morning a count of all the men in the lager was made. The count would continue until the krauts were satisfied with the number. This could take an hour or more as they often had to search the huts for stragglers, only to have someone else sneak back into a but before the recount was complete.

This frequently caused delay in our departure for work, thus shortening our work days.

Out the gate and down the trail, through the trees, the guards moved us to work. Into the open fields some 200 yards stood the "engineer's" shack. It was near an open trench which was progressing eastward.

We took our tools and began digging, usually at a snail's pace unless a guard or engineer was close by and insisting on progress. The trench being dug for the water line was about four feet deep, two feet wide at the top, and approximately one foot wide at the bottom. The bosses were very insistent that the foot of topsoil be windrowed some five feet back from the trench and the remainder of the excavation stacked nearer the trench. As the trench deepened, part of the prisoners stood beside the trench, clearing away what others threw out. To the disgust of the engineers, progress was slow. The stubby one did much storming and cursing, his favorite outburst being °sacramenta." We christened him: "Sacramento." Often, he would impatiently grab our pick or shovel and demonstrate the proper use. We would stand back in faked awe at such an efficient performance.

Not far from camp, across the trench from where the engineer's shack first sat, were long piles of stored vegetables. The piles were perhaps 12 feet wide at the base and six feet high, and lay in three rows about 200 feet long. They had first been covered with layers of leaves and straw, then several inches of dirt. We soon discovered the contents of the piles and then followed a game of cat and mouse which would continue for as long as our work was in the proximity of vegetable piles.

It was impossible for bosses and guards to watch everyone at once and soon one or two Americans would slip out of the trench and run

for the shelter of the potato piles where they would fill their pant legs above their boots or the loose blouse above their belts or even both. Onions and rutabagas might also be in the fare. As often as not, the absence of some workers would be discovered. Sacramento shouted and waved his fists, and guards would send a bullet zinging over the vegetable piles. More than one GI was caught, buffeted around a bit and forced to release his treasure. Another might jettison his take and flee back to the trench as a bullet cracked overhead. But even an apprehended pilferer might retain a couple of stray potatoes or an onion in some of his increasingly loose garments, and the whole effort would have been worth it. The most accomplished poacher of vegetables was a tall, gaunt American Indian named Hummingbird. He could slip away from the work gang, lope along with his head ducked below the crest of the piles, fill the clothing on his long frame, and be back in the trench before Sacramento or the guards missed him.

As the time passed, and our weight and strength diminished, it became apparent that the guards and even Sacramento were ignoring a limited amount of pilfering. One evening as we were coming in the prison gate, our guard, "Snake Eyes," saw a large rutabaga drop from the sleeve of the overcoat which I had slung over my shoulder. He quickly motioned for me to pick it up and no more was made of it. In retrospect, this bit of pilfering from the Krauts was justified in the sport it afforded us as well as the food it provided.

As we became better acquainted with the guards, and as their reputations grew, we gave them names. The names usually revealed our contempt for them, as in the case of "Hollywood." Hollywood was quite tall, wore black boots, was already developing a "German belly," and thought himself very handsome. He liked to appear very affable in front of a group of us, but could turn treacherous and deceptive in forcing men out of the huts, or reporting us to his superiors.

One of the first to be named, Hollywood clearly earned our disdain.

Another we christened "Bull Neck" because of his thick, short neck and the way he was always twitching his jaw and neck while twisting his shoulders. Bull Neck was said to have received numerous wounds on the Russian front, which may have accounted for his twitches and foul disposition. Unlike Hollywood, he was always sour and meannatured. On one occasion Bull Neck had charge of a detail which included me. We carried some items to the German kitchen and quarters at the south end of camp. While we stood waiting for a few minutes in the building, I noticed a large pile of potatoes behind me. I succumbed to temptation and snatched up a couple of fistfuls to stuff inside my clothing. Almost as though waiting for one of us to try it, Bull Neck bounded over before me and began cuffing me in the face with all the strength in his twitching shoulders.

I dropped the potatoes, but as we filed out of the building, I noted that I could scarcely feel the effect of his blows. Yet Bull Neck had had his day.

"Redhead," so named for the color of his hair, rapidly gained our dislike. Nothing pleased him more than to find something to roar about. He loved to make searches of the men in front of the barracks. Since capture, I had carried the snapshots of family and friends in the lining of my heavy GI shirttail. Unfortunately, Redhead singled me out for search one morning and discovered the snapshots. From all the vitriol and noise which followed, one would have thought I had made an attempt on der Fuhrer's life. Redhead's day had been made.


Stan and his wife Dorothy visit a WW2 memorial honoring veterans at Epinal Cemetary, France, during 70th Infantry Division Association Pilgrimage in May 2001.

The arrival of Red Cross parcels or even the rumor of their arrival caused great excitement and flow of saliva. Red Fridley and I, who bunked together, pooled our shares. The parcels contained such staples as hardtack biscuit, dried fruit, heavy chocolate bars, coffee and cigarettes readily became media of exchange. These were bartered with the Germans, chiefly civilians, for bread.

Red and I and many other prisoners stretched our Red Cross food for as long as possible. We were still making weak tea right up to the end of captivity. But Louis Mai in an adjoining but said: "To hell with it. I'm going to get one good fill, anyway." Unfortunately, he got sick to his shrunken stomach and threw it all up.

To hungry men, food readily becomes a favorite topic of conversation. I think I heard of every dish which anyone had ever eaten Some struck me as rather strange, such as green tomato pie or pies with graham cracker crust. I opted for corn bread, salt pork and navy beans.

Red spoke longingly of bacon fried to just barely a crisp condition. Old Mort longed for plain ham and eggs. Some started making lists of dishes and recipes, even promised an exchange of food when we got back to the USA. I was to send a friend from California a home-cured ham in exchange for a box of dried fruit. I haven't yet decided whether the discussions did more harm than good, but they helped pass the time.

Slow starvation has a way of revealing the weaknesses and perhaps some of the strengths in all of us. A person caught stealing an article of food was unmercifully beaten. If a chunk of bread disappeared from a bunk or a roasting potato vanished from the ash pan, suspicion permeated the whole but like a stale mist. Every item was then for a time more closely guarded or securely hidden. Some were no doubt falsely suspected and mistreated by their fellow prisoners.

There was an astounding difference over in the Limey huts. Articles were left in the open. No left over items of food was concealed and they would occasionally ask a visiting American to "have a spo-a-brew with me, Old Chap." I was never able to account for this difference, unless it was because of their longer term as prisoners and the resulting sifting out and reforming of weaker individuals.

From then on we remained in camp except for small work details, one of which took a wagon to a nearby village to pick up a dead horse for the kitchen. The horse had been hit by strafing P-51s which struck a small rail junction, Pyrna, near the lager. For two days the soup was the best we'd had all winter. I was on another work detail which took a wagon out to the potato piles and hauled a load back to camp.

Through the long weeks we had anxiously sought any news of military gains by the Allies and Russia. We were not in doubt of the outcome of the war, but impatient for it. Soon after arriving at the work camp in February we heard the faint booming of Russian artillery to the east. Rumors were abroad that the Russians had reached as far as Gorlitz, 40 miles east of Lilienstein. This may have been true, but apparently the drive stalled. Later that month the obliteration of Dresden began on a dark night when Lancasters and Sterlings dropped blockbusters which rattled windows in our prison camp. Fortresses and Liberators came in by day and unloaded. A month or so later we heard the faint rumble of American bombs striking another large German center to the west. Perhaps it was Nurembourg or

Leipzig. In April we saw from our confinement in camp waves of B-17s dropping bombs, probably on railyards near Dresden. We dejectedly watched one crippled fortress falling from formation, too.

At last came the bold attack by P-51s which triumphantly zoomed up over the camp as they turned on their strafing runs. Clearly the Wermacht and the Third Reich were cracking up.

Monday, May 7, 1945, dawned radiantly clear. After several hours of bustling and confusion, the winter occupants of Lilienstein lager were going out of its gates for the last time. Everyone picked up his valuables and belongings before leaving his hut. For most of us this included only the clothing we wore. Loss of weight was easily evident in the drawn face, bulging eyes and loose clothing. Hollywood's films have never adequately portrayed this appearance in their prison movies. My loss of weight from 170 pounds to approximately 120 pounds was typical of Lilienstein lager's "Kriegsgefangeners."

By midday we were several miles from camp. The guards tried to keep us in a relatively compact formation, but the straggling line of some 900 Americans and 200 British became hopelessly strung out and disorganized. Some were weaker than others, many had to stop frequently because of dysentery. and all would search like hungry cattle along the roadside for a stray stalk of rhubarb. Neither the harried guards nor German farmers could keep the broken lines of prisoners from spreading into freshly planted potato fields near the road and unearthing the yet-unsprouted tubers.

The potatoes were whole, small ones planted in what appeared to be listed fields, but instead of planting in the furrows as American farmers planted their corn, the Germans planted their potatoes in the ridges. Working the ridges much like a gopher, we could make a fair collection before the guards or an irate German farmer, waving a smoking pistol over his head, could chase us out.

The first night out of camp we spent in and around a large barn north of a village. There was a considerable delay before our departure the next morning. We spent the time roasting potatoes or hunting for more. I was fortunate enough to find and roast a morsel, the like of which 1 had never eaten before nor since. It was a large snail. The flesh inside the shell was delicious.

The little village of Liebstadt appeared around the bend in the late afternoon sun. Long shadows fell across the narrow streets from tall shops and houses. Surprisingly, friendly civilians came and took us, the last of the stragglers, into one of the large houses. Snook was placed in a bed. A doctor came and gave him a shot of morphine and tended another wounded man. The rest of us in the tattered group were seated about a table and given a meal.

A mixture of gratitude and disbelief crossed my mind. I was bewildered by this show of kindness, but had no desire to question or reject it. Several middle-aged German people, some of them housewives, were on hand and carried on earnest conversation which we could not make out. Shortly, however, their intentions became known; they would quarter us in their homes. Most would stay in this large three-story-apartment-type house on the village main street. I would go with Herr and Frau Saupe to spend the night.

I accepted this hospitality with little reluctance, for in truth, I had not the strength to do otherwise. Whatever their motives, I could not bring myself to doubt the compassion in Frau Saupe's face as she arranged sleeping quarters for me in her living room. Perhaps she had lost a son of her own in the shattered Wermacht.

After a restful night for me, the morning dawned to bring a new crisis to the people of Liebstadt. The Soviet Army entered the village, shattering the stillness with rifle and machine gun fire. They were at first doing little more than celebrating long-awaited victory and raiding German homes and shops. A tremor of apprehension surely passed through every home as it now did the Saupes'. They began to question me, a mere Pfc. who for months had been separated from U.S. control, about the frail possibility of their falling under American occupation rather than Russian.

Abruptly, more people entered the Saupe home; speaking in much fear and excitement. It was another German couple and their daughter in her late teens. The daughter, babbling and crying as much in rage as in fear, had been raped by a Russian soldier. She had fled from her own house upon the entry of Russian soldiers, but had been attacked by a soldier or soldiers in her backyard. Her slacks and blouse still bore some dirt from the ground, and a rope burn was clearly visible on her neck.

She had attempted suicide by hanging, but had been constrained by her parents. By midmorning the village pastor was trying to calm the hysterical people, especially those with maiden daughters. By afternoon Frau and Herr Saupe made plans to leave with their daughter for "gebuseh" (brushy or forested countryside) to spend the night.

I was to have charge of their house. Gradually it began dawning upon me that I and the other POWs in Liebstadt were being used by the German families to soften the Russian atrocities and retribution. But cynicism did not entirely take over. After all, the Saupes had taken me in, fed me, and now departed with an apparent show of friendship. I determined to stay the second night at this home.

Early in the night there was a loud knocking on the door. There stood three young Russian soldiers to whom I immediately identified myself as an American.

"Ameri-caaaannn!" they shouted, each, in turn, pumping my hand vigoriously and nearly severing my arm from its socket.

Their two understandable requests were "fraulein" and "schnapps."

I took them into the house where they made a thorough search for both, but having found neither, they pumped my hand again and left in good humor. No more visitors appeared that night and I rested well.

The next morning the Saupes returned without their daughter. They were very happy to see that their house had fared better than many. Despite the visitors of the previous evening, nothing had been molested. They patted me on the back and heaped praises on my success in protecting their house.

But their exuberance was short-lived. By mid-morning, more Russian soldiers came to the house. These fellows were more dour and less effusive than my visitors of the previous evening. They looked about, not really

interested in looting, but they requested schnapps. When the Saupes nervously set cider before them, which they called "seedah," the Russians took one taste and "bah!" They motioned it away.

Their spokesman also, upon noting my drawn cheeks and skinny figure, ordered the Germans to set cold boiled "kartoffelen" in front of me, expecting me to eat and grow fat immediately. He did not realize the limitations of a shrunken stomach.

While the Russians were there, Frau Saupe nervously slipped her watch from her wrist and handed it to the soldiers in a silent, piteous plea for them to leave. They took the watch with expressionless indifference. Later in the day I saw a Russian wearing several watches on one arm. To most of them it had become a badge of conquest.

Shortly after the Russians left, the Saupes departed in a state of tearfully nervous shock. I would not see them again, as a day later I learned from their next door neighbor that the Saupes had taken their own lives.

"Frau Saupe, Herr Saupe, Boom! Boom! The neighbor said, pointing his index finger to his head.

Because of the frequency of the Russian visits to the Saupes' house and being there alone, an older British soldier, whom I remember only as Bill, advised me to come and stay with the larger group in the threestory house.

This I readily agreed to.

We were quartered in the top floor of the building and had a commanding view of the street below. Bill was an intelligent chap, easy to visit with, and we had some long chats with a third man named Hank. Hank was a Hollander who had attended agricultural college and spoke excellent English. He had been a POW inside Germany for most of the conflict, and now, with his language abilities, he became valuable in communicating with German civilians.

We ate a filling midday meal in our thirdfloor apartment. Then our leisurely afternoon was suddenly interrupted by a commotion in the street below. The chap nearest the window shouted: "GIs!"

I didn't go to the window, but grabbed my knapsack and belongings and joined the throng going down the flight of stairs.

There, in mid-street, God bless them, stood several U.S. Army men near their ambulances. More American POWs than I realized were in the village.

They now poured into the street along with a few Englishmen and the Dutchman, Hank. Quickly we packed into the ambulances. Some sat on fenders, still others scrambled onto the American light tank which was sitting around the bend in the street. The American tankers were swapping rations with Russian soldiers. One big American tankman of Slavic descent was partially successful in making conversation with the Russians in either the Czech or Polish tongue.

Within an hour, the tank and ambulance convoy was moving from Liebstadt by the same road we had entered with the wagonload of wounded men. This time we headed toward Dresden, but before entering the city we met a large American truck convoy in the company of some lumbering Sherman tanks. Only the sick and wounded stayed in the ambulances. The rest of us boarded the "six-by-six" trucks on which we then moved through Dresden.

No tarps were over the truck boxes. We could now, at firsthand, see the vast destruction of the city. Allied bombing and the recent Russian shelling had left everything in shambles. The streets were being cleared, but one could see no whole buildings. Every house, shop, warehouse or factory had either the top blown out or worse, and the stench of death was strong in the air. I was glad when we had to move on.

All night the trucks rolled, through Chemnitz and westward. Once the convoy stopped to let us relieve ourselves of intestinal disorders. Through the remainder of the night and into the morning the trucks moved, and finally came to a stop well inside American-occupied territory at the large air base of Erfurt in central Germany.

The area about the air base buildings, but well off the runways, was a virtual sea of humanity. Thousands of displaced persons from central and eastern Europe, some military but mostly civilian, were milling about awaiting the next fleet of trucks to head eastward.

These people included Poles, Czechs, Russians and perhaps others who had performed forced labor for Hitler's Germany. I presume they had received some sort of rations from the American military, but there, as we watched, GIs were dusting lice powder on many who stood waiting.

While we were still watching, many of these people were climbing onto the trucks for transportation to the east, at least as far as the Elbe River and from there toward home, what was left of it, by any means the Russian Army might allow.

At last we ex-POWs, British as well as American, entered the compound and joined a long-dreamed-of chow line. I doubt that the medical corps would have recommended the menu which we received, but we downed with relish a big, breaded pork chop dinner with all the trimmings.

At the Rheims base we received a new issue of clothing. I was happy to shed my pestinfected rags. Here, I was also given a can of new DDT powder to dispose of the last of the persistent lice. I was reminded again of the weight I'd lost when a new pair of drawers, size 28, slid off my hips.

From Rheims we were transported by rail to Camp Lucky Strike, a large tent city near the French port of Le Havre. There we wrote letters home, received more clothing, were given plenty of soft foods, drank Red Cross eggnog, and took paregoric. I slept a good deal and my body gradually began to fill out. I felt that I would have rejected the opportunity to go home before I could put on considerable weight. I need not have worried. It was well into June before we embarked for home.

By late June I had furlough papers for a long leave at home in north-central Nebraska. At dusk I stepped from the bus and swung the duffel bag to my shoulder. Very little traffic on the highway, I thought - gas rationing, of course!

My suntans were wrinkled, but I didn't mind. It was just a mile and a half down a dirt road and I'd be home. Summer insects were humming and the sweet scent of clover blossoms in the meadows drifted across the road.

Up ahead Uncle Jud's old collie gave a prodigious roar and a cat scurried up a tree across the road. Crossing the creek, I noted the bridge rail still leaning at a precarious angle.

Trusting that my folks had received my messages and hoping that all was well at home, I walked in the driveway. Stopping a moment, I could hear Mother playing the piano and there, by the lamplight, was Dad, reading "The Saturday Evening Post."

My home was still there.

Stanley Lambert was discharged in November of 1945. In 1946 he used his GI Bill and went to the University of Nebraska, graduating Magna Cum Laude with a Bachelor of Science degree in Agriculture in 1950. In 1951, he married Dorothy, whom he'd met while at the University. Back at home on the farm, Lambert taught veterans on-the-farm training for several years. He and Dorothy raised two sons and a daughter. They have been farming hay, some grain and cattle since 1953. They still live on the farm, the Lambert Homestead, where Stanley was born. Lambert's paternal grandfather homesteaded the property in 1883. Their middle son, Tim, is now the farm manager. Stanley Lambert will be the national president of the 70th Infantry Division Association in 2002.

Lambert's story is much longer, but because of space constraints, we could not print all of it here. If you would like to read the unabridged version of Lambert's story, please send me an e-mail and I will attach a copy by reply. You may e-mail me at: briolap@usarc-emh2.army.mil.

(Editor's note: Mr. Lambert's story was condensed by Sgt. 1st Class Pam Briola, 47th Military History Detachment.)